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三门峡包皮手术的价格

来源:就医养生    发布时间:2018年01月20日 11:25:26    编辑:admin         

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani says Iran is in talks to reach a final nuclear agreement with six world powers, not with U.S. lawmakers.伊朗总统鲁哈尼星期三说,伊朗正在跟世界六大国、而不是跟美国立法国会议员谈判一项最后核协议。Mr. Rouhanis remarks on Wednesday were an apparent reaction to developments Tuesday in Washington, where President Barack Obama pledged to sign a bill that would subject the agreement to U.S. congressional review.鲁哈尼的讲话显然是对星期二华盛顿的事态进展作出的反应。奥巴马总统星期二保签署一个将伊核协议提交美国国会审议的议案。In a speech to thousands of Iranians in the northern city of Rasht, Mr. Rouhani also reiterated his stance that Tehran will not sign a final nuclear deal unless all sanctions are simultaneously lifted.鲁哈尼在北方城市拉什特对数千名伊朗人发表讲话时还重申,除非同时解除所有制裁,否则德黑兰不会签署最后协议。The Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed a measure Tuesday after a bipartisan compromise that calls for a 30-day review period and for the president to certify every 90 days that Iran is living up to the deal curbing its nuclear activity. Sanctions levied by Congress would be immediately re-imposed in case of a violation.美国国会参议院外交关系委员会星期二在两党议员作出妥协后通过一项议案,对伊核协议设定了一0天审议期,并要求总统0天确认一次伊朗遵守了限制其核活动的协议。如有违反,国会将立即重新实施对伊朗的制裁。On Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said he is confident about reaching a final agreement with Iran, after Mr. Obama agreed to sign the congressional measure.克里国务卿星期三表示,奥巴马总统同意签署国会议案之后,他相信能够同伊朗达成一项最后协议。Kerry spoke before a meeting of Group of Seven foreign ministers in Germany that was expected to include discussion on the negotiations, which yielded a framework deal earlier this month.克里在德国举行的七国集团外长会议上做出上述表示。预计七国外长讨论的议题将包括伊核谈判。这个月早些时候,谈判各方达成了一项框架协议。来 /201504/369968。

The leader of Germany’s Jewish community has backed calls for refugee as, warning that many asylum-seekers are from cultures marked by “hate towards Jews and intolerance德国犹太人社群领袖约瑟夫舒斯特(Josef Schuster,见上图)持有关对难民流入设定最高限额的呼声,他警告称,很多寻求避难的人出身以“仇视犹太人和不宽容”为特征的文化。Josef Schuster’s comments come amid a widening split over the issue between Chancellor Angela Merkel and the Bavaria-based CSU, sister party to her CDU. Ms Merkel has generally resisted such restrictions but is under increasing pressure from her Bavarian allies to toughen her stance.在他发表上述言论之际,德国总理安格拉默克尔(Angela Merkel)与巴伐利亚基督教社会联盟(CSU)在这一问题上的分歧日益加深。基社盟是默克尔领导的基督教民主联盟(CDU)的姊党。默克尔总体上反对这种限额,但她在巴伐利亚州的盟友正向她施加越来越大的压力,要她改持更强硬的立场。Even though Germany’s Jewish community is small, its views tend to carry great weight because of the country’s responsibility for the Holocaust.尽管德国犹太人社群规模较小,但其看法往往具有重要影响,这是因为德国对“纳粹大屠杀Holocaust)负有责任。“Sooner or later we will not be able to avoid [setting] upper limits,Dr Schuster, president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, told Welt newspaper.身为德国犹太人中央理事会(Central Council of Jews)主席的舒斯特告诉《世界报Die Welt):“我们迟早得面对(设定)上限的问题。“Many refugees are fleeing the terror of the Islamic State and want to live in peace and freedom, but at the same time they come from cultures in which hate towards Jews and intolerance are fixed components. Don’t only think about the Jews, think about equal rights for women and the treatment of homosexuals.”“很多难民正逃离伊斯兰国(IS)制造的恐怖,想生活在和平自由之中,但另一方面,仇视犹太人和不宽容是他们文化的固有组成部分。不要只想到犹太人,想想女性的平等权利和他们如何对待同性恋吧。”If the inflows continued at the current rates it would become “increasingly difficultto integrate migrants and “pass on our values如果难民继续按现在的速度流入,融合移民和“传递我们的价值观”将变得“越来越难”。Dr Schuster, 61, was born in Israel to German Jewish refugees.61岁的舒斯特生于以色列一个德国犹太难民家庭。His call for as follows warnings about the risk posed by some Muslim refugees for German Jews. Dr Schuster and other Jewish leaders voiced their concerns at a meeting with Ms Merkel last month.在他呼吁设定上述上限前,有人警告称,一些穆斯林难民将对德国犹太人构成危险。舒斯特和其他犹太人领袖在上月与默克尔的一次会晤中表达了这种关切。Stephan Kramer, a former secretary-general of the central council, said the fact that refugees came from countries where anti-Semitism was in the national education programme did “not automatically make a majority of refugees anti-Semites德国犹太人中央理事会前秘书长斯特凡克拉默(Stephan Kramer)表示,一些难民来自那些国家教育计划传播反犹主义的国家,这并不“必然意味着多数难民是反犹主义者”。After years of decline, the number of anti-Semitic crimes in Germany rose last year by 25 per cent to 1,596, according to the interior ministry. However, the figures showed that most were linked to German rightwingers and not to so-called “foreign ideology德国内政部的数据显示,在经历了多年的下滑后,德国反犹罪案数量去年增长5%,至1596起。不过,数据显示大多数罪案与德国右翼分子有关,而非与所谓的“外来意识形态”有关。来 /201511/412450。

Bill Clinton doesnt want his wife to win the U.S. presidency, according to sources cited in an explosive new book about the 0 million conglomerate that the Clintons have become since they left the White House.据英囀?每日邮报3日报道,根据美国《旗帜周刊》编辑丹尼尔?哈尔珀近日推出爆炸性新书内容,比尔·克林顿似乎不想自己的妻子当上美国总统,因为重返白宫他会受到“重重束缚”。The former president is deeply conflicted about the idea, writes Daniel Halper in Clinton Inc.: The Audacious Rebuilding of a Political Machine, a well-sourced and easy-ing book released Tuesday.这本书名字叫《克林顿公司:大胆重建的政治机器》,消息来源十分丰富,并且通俗易懂。书中说,这位前总统对这个想法“陷入了深深的矛盾之中”。A former senior adviser to President Clinton told Halper that if Mrs. Clinton, the presumptive Democratic favorite, should become president, Clintons f***ed. History would remember Hillary as the trailblazing first female president, the insider says, but hes gonna be the guy that got a b*** j** and was impeached.克林顿的前高级顾问告诉哈尔珀,如果有望成为民主党总统候选人的希拉里成为总统,克林顿会抓狂,因为历史会记住希拉里是美国历史上具有开拓性意义的首位女性总统,而自己则将沦为一个遭到弹劾的家伙。Friends of Bill say in the book that the former president with the wandering eye ded the idea of going back to the White House in 2017 because he would be trapped there, leashed, without room for his libido to run or any meaningful say in government policy. He would also find his wings clipped literally losing his ability to jet-set and entertain celebrities nonstop in exotic locales between 0,000 speaking engagements.书中透露,比尔的朋友们爆料克林顿很“恐惧017年重返白宫,因为他将被“困”在那里,束缚重重,没有房间让他释放性欲,他对政府政策也不会有任何重大的发言权。他也会发现自己的权力受到限制,没办法坐飞机到处旅游,也不能款待界名人,更不能到处办演讲活动吸金Why would he want to be the first spouse? a Clinton confidant told Halper. Whats he going to do? Live back in the White House and do the Christmas cards? Officially, according to presidential scholars and historians, the wily and philandering former president would be known as Americas first gentleman a line y-made for late night comics.“他有什么理由想成为第一先生?他到时候能做什么?重新住进白宫,然后做圣诞卡?”克林顿的密友说。况且,最后在总统的学者和历史学家笔下,这个老谋深算、沾花惹草的前总统将会以美国“第一先生”而闻名。来 /201407/315794。

For the avoidance of doubt, of course the Iraq of 2014 bears, in part, the imprint of the removal of Saddam Hussein 11 years ago. To say otherwise, as a recent editorial in this newspaper implies that I do, would be absurd.首先要声明,2014年的伊拉克当然带1年前推翻萨达#8226;侯赛Saddam Hussein)所留下的印记。否认这一点是荒谬的,虽然《金融时报》最近一篇社论就暗指我否定这种观点。However, there are two important points that must also be recognised.不过,人们也必须抓住两个重点。We cannot ignore the fact that Isis, the jihadist group advancing across Iraq, rebuilt itself and organised the Iraq operation from the chaos in Syria. Isis and other al-Qaeda-type groups in Iraq were flat on their back four years ago, having been comprehensively beaten by a combination of US and UK forces and Sunni tribes. The civil war in Syria allowed them to get back on their feet. So the first point is that non-intervention is also a decision with consequences. In the case of Syria those consequences have been dire, and as security chiefs in the UK and Europe are warning, they pose a real threat to our security.我们不能忽视一个事实,正在伊拉克攻城掠地的圣战组织“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”(Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant,简称Isis)是借叙利亚骚乱东山再起,组织起伊拉克作战行动的年前,英美部队和逊尼派部落合力将Isis及伊拉克境内其他基地式组织全面击溃。这些势力本已倒下,叙利亚内战又让他们站了起来。因此第一个重点是,不干涉政策也会带来种种后果。就叙利亚冲突而言,这些后果是可怕的,而且正如英国和欧洲安全部门的负责人们所警告的,它们对我们的安全构成切实威胁。Second, no analysis of the Middle East today makes sense unless we examine the impact of the Arab revolutions overturning the old regimes. It is odd to argue that revolution would not have come to Iraq. And surely Saddam Hussein’s response would have been more like that of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, than that of Hosni Mubarak. Whatever decision had been taken in 2003, in 2014 we would be facing a major challenge.第二个重点是,只有仔细研究颠覆了旧政权的阿拉伯革命所带来的影响,分析当今中东局势才有意义。认为革命不会在伊拉克发生是匪夷所思的。而且萨达#8226;侯赛因的反应肯定更像叙利亚总统巴沙#8226;阿萨Bashar al-Assad),而不是胡斯尼#8226;穆巴拉克(Hosni Mubarak)。不管我们在2003年作过什么决策,2014年我们都会面对一个重大挑战。There is a tendency to write of the Saddam Hussein time in Iraq as if he were a force for stability and peace. Just to remind ourselves: he began the Iraq-Iran war in which there were more than 1m casualties, many dying from chemical weapons, something which then played a part in pushing Iran towards its nuclear programme; he invaded Kuwait; he used chemical weapons in a genocidal attack against the Kurds; he excluded the Shia majority; and he persecuted the Marsh Arabs. The region’s problems are the result of deep-seated issues that, with the removal of those regimes, have now come to the surface.现在出现了一种倾向,在写到萨达#8226;侯赛因时代的伊拉克时,作者们将他描述得好像是维持稳定与和平的一股力量。我只想提醒大家:是他发动了两伊战争,这场战争导致上百万人伤亡,许多人死于化学武器,这是促使伊朗发展核计划的起因之一;他入侵了科威特;他在对库尔德人发动的种族清洗中使用化学武器,他镇压人口占多数的什叶派;他还迫害“沼泽阿拉伯人Marsh Arabs)。当今中东局势是一些深层问题导致的,随着旧政权被推翻,所有问题也浮上水面。That is the point I am making. I am not seeking to persuade people about the decision in 2003. I am trying to convince them that the fundamental challenge is not the product of that decision or indeed the decision in Syria. It is a challenge of immense complexity that has not originated in anything we have done since this challenge burst fully on to our consciousness after the attacks of September 11 2001. Its origin lies in the toxic mix of bad politics and bad religion that is not confined to Iraq or Syria but is sp across not just the Middle East but also the world.这就是我想表达的观点。我不是在说人们持我们在2003年作出的决策。我是在努力让大家明白,当前的根本挑战并不是当时的决策所引发的,甚至也不是后来对叙利亚的决策所引发的。这是一个带有巨大复杂性的挑战0011日袭击事件发生后我们充分意识到了这一挑战的存在,它的产生绝不是因为我们在这一事件后所采取的任何措斀?其源头是糟糕的政治与糟糕的宗教所构成的有毒混合体,这一混合体并不局限于伊拉克或叙利亚,它不但蔓延到中东,还会扩散到全世界。The reason we got into such difficulty in Iraq, as in Afghanistan, was precisely because once the dictatorship was removed, extremist Islamist forces then made progress extraordinarily difficult. That is their hideous impact the world over. The fundamental challenge today arises not from the decisions of 2003 or those of 2014. It is the challenge of Islamist extremism and it is global.我们之所以在伊拉克遇到这样的困难,就像在阿富汗一样,正是因为一旦独裁政府被推翻,伊斯兰极端势力就会跳出来,让局面变得异常棘手,难以取得进展。这是他们对全世界的可怕影响。今日的根本挑战并不源于2003年的决策014年的决策。这是伊斯兰极端主义的挑战,而且是全球性的。It is a challenge we cannot avoid. Its outcome will dramatically affect our own security. We may be war weary and want to disengage but the people we are fighting do not share that weariness. Leave aside Iraq or Syria; look at Pakistan today. It has powerful institutions; it has a functioning democracy. Yet be in no doubt, the struggle it is waging is existential. Nigeria was two decades ago a model of religious tolerance. Today it is on the rack of extremism. Even in western societies, there are tensions that are real and dangerous.我们无法逃避这一挑战。其后果将大大影响我们的安全。我们或许厌倦了战争,想要从中脱离,但我们的斗争对手没感到疲倦。且不谈伊拉克或叙利亚,看看今日的巴基斯坦。它拥有强大的机构,民主体制也运行良奀?然而毫无疑问,它仍在进行关乎生死存亡的斗争0年前尼日利亚曾是宗教宽容的典范,如今它却深受极端主义的危害。即使在西方社会,这种紧张也真实存在,且十分危险。The bad news is that this issue is not going away. That is why I am speaking about it. Since leaving office I have spent a large part of my time studying it and through my foundation trying to counter it.坏消息是这一问题不会消失。这也是我谈论此事的原因。自从离任后,我大部分时间都在研究这一问题,并通过我的基金会努力化解这一问题。Short term, we have to do what we can to rescue the situation in Iraq and Syria. In Iraq, without inclusive government this will be hard to do. The US is right in demanding political change as the price of its engagement. In Syria, an outright win for either side is no longer sensible; the majority of Syrians just want the torment to end.短期来看,我们必须尽一切努力挽回伊拉克和叙利亚的局势。在伊拉克,不建立一个包容的政府将很难达成此目的。作为介入的条件,美国要求伊方推行政治变革是正确的。而在叙利亚,任意一方都不太可能获得绝对胜利;绝大部分叙利亚人只想结束苦难历程。Long term, we have to have the right mixture of soft and hard power responses, which fights this extremism wherever it is conducting its terror campaigns. We must deal with the root cause of the problem which lies in the formal and informal systems that educate young people in a closed-minded approach to religion and culture.长期来看,我们必须恰当地结合运用软实力与硬实力,无论极端势力在何地展开恐怖活动,都要与之斗争。我们必须从根源入手解决问题,而问题的根源就在于那些培养年轻人形成保守的宗教和文化观念的正规与非正规体制。The good news is that this extremism does not represent the majority of Muslims. As the recent elections in both Iraq and Afghanistan show, where despite threats, violence and terror, people came out to vote in their millions. These people want to be free: free of dictators and free of terror. We should help them. It is in our interests that they succeed.好消息是这种极端主义并不代表绝大多数穆斯林。从伊拉克与阿富汗最近举行的选举即可看出,虽然面对威胁、暴力和恐怖,还是有数百万人来投票。这些人想要自由,他们想摆脱独裁者,摆脱恐怖。我们应该帮助他们。他们的成功符合我们的利益。来 /201406/308362。

On May 13 1939 the SS St Louis, a German ocean liner, set sail from Hamburg. On board were 915 Jewish refugees hoping to escape gathering oppression in Europe. There were dances and concerts aboard the luxury vessel and the indulgent captain permitted passengers to throw a tablecloth over an offending bust of Adolf Hitler. Two weeks later, the ship dropped anchor in Havana, pending what passengers, who had purchased Cuban visas, fully expected to be a warm reception. It was not to be. The Cuban authorities turned them away as, subsequently, did those of the US and Canada. The St Louis was obliged to return to Europe. An estimated quarter of its passengers ended up perishing in Nazi concentration camps.19393日,德国远洋班轮“圣路易斯号SS St Louis)从汉堡起航。船上有915名犹太难民,他们希望逃离欧洲日益逼近的迫害。这艘豪华客轮上频频举办舞会和音乐会,宽宏大量的船长还允许乘客在令人不悦的阿道夫#8226;希特Adolf Hitler)半身像上盖上桌布。两周后,该船抵达古巴哈瓦那,已经购买了古巴签的乘客们满心期待着热情的接待。结果并非如此。古巴当局拒绝他们入境,后来美国和加拿大有关部门也作出同样的决定。圣路易斯号被迫返回欧洲。据估计,其1/4的乘客最后死于纳粹集中营。The St Louis story is served up as a shameful indictment of our forefathers. Yet 75 years later, something just as grotesque is playing out on the azure waters of the Andaman Sea (not to mention the Mediterranean). In the past few weeks, at least 6,000 refugees have been cut adrift in the ocean, refused entry by Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. Some 300 have died this year, according to the UN. Dehydrated, emaciated and desperate, unless the situation changes rapidly, many more lives will be lost.圣路易斯号的故事是对我们的祖先的指控,令人愧疚。然6年后的今天,同样令人匪夷所思的事发生在湛蓝的安达曼Andaman Sea),且不提地中海了。过去几周,至少6000名难民在海上随波逐流,被泰国、马来西亚和印尼拒绝入境。据联合UN)称,今年已有00个难民死亡。尚存的难民们脱水、虚弱、绝望,除非形势迅速出现转变,否则将有更多人死亡。For the Rohingya, the bulk of the refugees, there are echoes of the treatment of Jews in Europe. Many are fleeing refugee centres that have been compared to concentration camps. They are a Muslim minority in Myanmar and Bangladesh. In March the Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide sent a mission to Myanmar, where up to 1m Rohingya live in Rakhine state. It found they had been “subject to dehumanisation through rampant hate speech, the denial of citizenship, and restrictions on freedom of movement Its report concluded that the Rohingya, at least 170 of whom died in mob violence in 2012, were at “grave risk of additional mass atrocities and even genocide大多数难民都是罗兴亚Rohingya),他们的遭遇令人联想起当年欧洲的犹太人。很多难民是从被比作集中营的难民中心逃出来的。他们是生活在缅甸和孟加拉国的一个穆斯林少数民族。今月,Simon-Skjodt防止种族灭绝中心(Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide)向缅甸派出一个代表团,缅甸的若开Rakhine)居住着多达100万的罗兴亚人。该中心发现,他们“遭受着非人化待遇,包括猖獗的仇恨言论、得不到公民身份、迁徙自由受到限制”。该组织的报告得出结论认为,2012年至少有170人死于群体性暴力事件的罗兴亚人,面临着“更多大规模暴行甚至种族屠杀的严重风险”。This conclusion may be premature. As Richard Horsey, a political analyst, points out, an organisation whose raison d’être is the prevention of genocide will tend to see things through that lens. Still, the conditions of the Rohingya most of whom are denied citizenship by both Myanmar and Bangladesh are deplorable and getting worse.这个结论可能下得太早。正如政治分析人士理查德#8226;霍西(Richard Horsey)所指出的,以防止种族灭绝为存在理由的组织,总会倾向于透过那样的棱镜看问题。话虽如此,罗兴亚人的处境——他们中的多数人得不到缅甸和孟加拉国公民身份——是悲惨的,而且正变得更糟。Who are the Rohingya? Like any ethnically charged question, that is fiercely disputed. To the Buddhists who are the majority in Rakhine state, the dark-skinned Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh, referred to pejoratively as “Bengalis The Rakhine, who have a proud history of independence, are themselves a persecuted minority. Rohingya trace their origins in Rakhine back to the 15th century. Many others arrived in the British colonial period from 1825 when both Rakhine and Bengal were part of British India. In the second world war, the Rohingya fought with the British, while the Rakhine supported the Japanese who were fleetingly regarded as liberators. Bitterness from that period has lasted until this day.谁是罗兴亚人?就像所有涉及种族的问题那样,这个问题也存在极大争议。对于在若开州占人口多数的佛教徒来说,皮肤黝黑的罗兴亚人是来自孟加拉国的外来者,他们轻蔑地称罗兴亚人为“孟加拉人Bengalis)。若开人对自己的独立史引以为豪,他们本身也是受迫害的少数民族。罗兴亚人在若开的起源可追溯5世纪。还有很多罗兴亚人在始于1825年的英国殖民时期来到若开,那时若开和孟加拉都是英属印度的一部分。二战时期,罗兴亚人与英国人并肩战斗,而若开人则持曾被短暂视为解放者的日本人。那个时期的仇恨延续至今。Anti-Rohingya and anti-Muslim sentiment more generally has hardened since 2010, when the generals who had run Myanmar for decades slowly lifted their oppressive boot. More free speech has meant more hate speech, much of it directed at Muslims. In April, the government withdrew temporary identity cards after a backlash from Buddhists who did not want the Rohingya to vote. Now, without an official identity, most Rohingya are even more exposed to arbitrary arrest and curbs on movement that imperil their ability to make a living. The sense of hopelessness has pushed increasing numbers to flee.010年统治缅甸数十年的将军们开始逐渐放松铁腕统治以来,反罗兴亚和反穆斯林情绪普遍抬头。更多的自由言论意味着更多的仇恨言论,其中很多都针对穆斯林。今月,政府收回了罗兴亚人的临时身份,原因是不希望罗兴亚人拥有投票权的佛教徒发起抗议。如今,在没有官方身份的情况下,多数罗兴亚人更容易受到任意逮捕和限制行动,危及他们的谋生能力。绝望的感觉推动越来越多的罗兴亚人逃离缅甸。The boats on which the Rohingya have escaped offer no dances or on-board entertainment. Now, cut adrift at sea, like the Jews on board the St Louis, the Rohingya have been refused entry to potential safe havens although Malaysia and Indonesia have announced an offer of temporary shelter. With smuggling routes cut off at least for the time being it ought to be a relatively simple matter to rescue the 6,000 or so refugees still at sea and to find them a home.罗兴亚人的船上显然没有舞会和船上活动。如今,在海上随波逐流的罗兴亚人就像当年圣路易斯号上的犹太人一样,被拒绝进入潜在的安全港——尽管马来西亚和印尼已宣布提供临时庇护。在偷渡路径被切断的情况下——至少现在是这样——解000来名仍在海上漂流的难民并安置他们,应该是相对简单的事。That, of course, leaves the more intractable problem of whether Myanmar can reverse its blatantly discriminatory policies. When even Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s democratic icon, hesitates to use the term Rohingya for fear of offending her Buddhist constituents, there seems little prospect of that. Yet if nothing is done to alleviate the suffering of this blighted minority, comparisons with the Jews of 1930s Europe will look evermore apt.当然,还有一个更加棘手的难题:缅甸能否扭转其公然歧视性的政策?就连该国的民主偶像昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)也犹豫着不敢使用罗兴亚一词,担心这会冒犯她的佛教徒持者,有鉴于此,这一点看起来希望渺茫。但是,如果不能有所作为、为这个遭受摧残的少数民族减轻苦难的话,930年代欧洲犹太人的遭遇进行对比将越来越贴切。来 /201505/376852。

WASHINGTON President Obama is facing opposition from fellow Democrats to one of his top priorities: winning the power to negotiate international trade agreements and speed them through Congress.华盛顿——奥巴马总统在他极为重要的一项议题上,在民主党内部遭遇了反对,那就是取得授权从而就国际贸易协定开展谈判,并使协议快速在国会得到通过。As Mr. Obama’s team works privately to line up support for the so-called trade promotion authority, a coalition of Democratic lawmakers and activists from organized labor, environmental, religious and civil rights groups is stepping up efforts to stop him.奥巴马的团队在私下里努力为所谓的“贸易推动权trade promotion authority)赢得持,而此时民主党议员、劳工团体,以及环保、宗教、民权组织正联合起来,极力阻止奥巴马。“Fast track would be yet another insult to the American worker,Representative Rosa DeLauro, Democrat of Connecticut, said at a Thursday news conference on Capitol Hill, where she predicted the effort’s defeat. “It will not happen. We are not going to do it.”“批准‘快速通道fast-track)会再一次侮辱美国的工作人群,”康涅狄格州民主党众议员罗莎·德劳Rosa DeLauro)周四在国会山举行的一场新闻发布会上表示。她预计奥巴马的提案不会得到国会通过,“这事成不了,我们不会这样做。”Winning the authority would allow Mr. Obama to finish and gain swift approval of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a sprawling pact that his administration has been painstakingly negotiating.赢得这项权力后,奥巴马就可以结束“跨太平洋伙伴关系”(Trans-Pacific Partnership,简称TPP)谈判,并迅速使其得到通过。TPP是一个范围很广的协定,奥巴马政府一直在艰难地谈判。But Ms. DeLauro and other Democratic lawmakers argue that the president is asking for carte blanche to secretly negotiate a trade deal that would cost American jobs, weaken food safety and financial regulations and undermine environmental and labor standards.然而德劳洛和其他民主党议员认为,奥巴马是在索取秘密谈判贸易协定的无限权力,这样会导致美国失去就业岗位、损害食品安全、弱化金融监管、破坏环保和劳工保障的标准。The dispute pits Mr. Obama against his own party over what the president has identified as one of the few patches of common ground between him and Republicans that could yield an accomplishment during his final two years in office. Its outcome could determine the fate of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a complicated 12-nation agreement that would encompass 40 percent of the world economy and is a crucial element of Mr. Obama’s pivot to Asia. It is also animating an intraparty policy fight among Democrats that could shape the 2016 presidential campaign.这让奥巴马与自己的政党发生了争执,奥巴马认为这是他与共和党之间少有的共识之一,可以借此在他执政的最后两年取得一些政绩。其结果可能会决定TPP的命运,这项复杂的协议涵2个国家,囊括全球经济总量0%,在奥巴马转向亚洲的战略中是一个关键组成部分。它也在民主党内部引发了政策之争,可能会影响2016年的总统大选。Mr. Obama has dispatched top officials, led by his chief envoy, Michael B. Froman, to Congress to quietly make the case for the agreement and build support for winning the trade authority.奥巴马派出了以贸易代表迈克尔·B·弗罗Michael B. Froman)为首的一些高层官员,到国会低调地替协议辩护,试图为拿到贸易权力而赢得持。“The president has directed us to be responsive to the very important questions that are being asked by members of Congress,Thomas E. Perez, the labor secretary, said in an interview. “What’s going on now, I think, is part of the healthy give-and-take that should take place when we’re contemplating an important piece of legislation.”“总统指示我们,要对国会议员提出的十分重要的问题做出回应,”劳工部长托马斯·E·佩雷Thomas E. Perez)在采访中表示。“我想现在正在开展的事情,是一场有益的讨价还价中的一部分,我们在考虑一项重要的立法时,应该开展这样的讨论。”At the same time, Mr. Obama’s advisers see a ripe opportunity to win approval of his trade agenda given that Congress is fully under the control of Republicans who back trade liberalization.与此同时,奥巴马的顾问们认为,现在为他的贸易政策赢得持的时机已经成熟,因为共和党已经完全控制国会,而共和党持贸易自由化。Mr. Obama has acknowledged the challenge from his own ranks, saying last month that he must do more to explain how the Trans-Pacific Partnership would help American workers.奥巴马承认,自身政党内部存在挑战,并于上个月表示他必须做出更多努力,解释TPP能怎样帮助美国的工作人群。Lori Wallach, the director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, said presidential efforts to secure the trade power had met with hostility from Congress since the adoption of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement and the creation of the World Trade Organization. Those are the product of a collaboration of another Republican Congress and a Democratic president, Bill Clinton.公众公民(Public Citizen)旗下的全球贸易观察项Global Trade Watch)主任洛丽·沃勒Lori Wallach)表示,总统取得贸易权力的努力,从《北美自由贸易协定North American Free Trade Agreement)994年生效、世界贸易组World Trade Organization)成立以来,就面临了国会的敌意。这两项举措也是共和党国会和民主党总统比尔·克林Bill Clinton)联手的产物。Those measures “woke up Congress about what ‘fast trackmeans,she said in an interview, and ever since “it’s really hard to get them to delegate that authority.She noted that in the 21 years since those deals were approved, Congress has awarded trade promotion authority to a president for a total of only five years.这两个事件“让国会对‘快速通道’意味着什么产生了警觉,”沃勒克在一次采访中说,从那以来,“就很难让他们把这项权力交给别人。”她提到,那两项贸易协定得到通过以来1年里,国会只向一位总统授予了总共五年的贸易推动权。“For Obama, it’s particularly tricky, because that big power grab would be used for this agreement that is basically a Trojan horse for every kind of extreme corporate proposal that could not get passed in the sunshine of public debate,she said.她说,“对奥巴马来说,这尤其棘手,因为如此大举攫取权力,针对的却是这个协议。而它基本上是一个特洛伊木马,满足了企业提出的每一种极端的要求,这些要求在公共辩论的眼光下根本不会得到通过。”The White House rejects the characterization, arguing that the Trans-Pacific Partnership would raise standards across the board. Mr. Perez said officials were incorporating lawmakersconcerns about important elements of the agreement like the need for stronger and quicker enforcement measures into the continuing international negotiations.白宫否认这种说法,辩称TPP可以全面提高标准。佩雷斯表示,官员们正在将国会议员对协议中重要部分的顾虑——包括需要建立更强、更迅速的执法机制——纳入仍在进行的国际谈判中。“The guidance from the president has been very clear: I want the best agreement that’s going to protect American workers, provide decent hours and wages, and address both environment and labor conditions,Mr. Perez said.佩雷斯说,“总统的指示十分明确:我想得到一个最好的协议,要能保护美国工作者的利益,提供体面的工时和薪水,并应对环保和劳动条件的问题。”Republicans and centrist Democrats strongly support Mr. Obama’s trade agenda. But given the bitter partisan divisions in Washington and Mr. Obama’s aggressive use of executive action in recent months, it is unclear how unified Republicans will be in support of his trade initiatives.共和党和民主党中间派强烈持奥巴马的贸易政策。然而鉴于华盛顿存在尖锐的党派分歧,并且奥巴马近几个月来大举运用行政权力,尚不清楚共和党能在多大程度上联合起来持他在贸易方面的举措。“This is the rare issue in which he’s going to have more problems with the Democrats than with the Republicans because he is working against the wishes of key elements of the Democratic coalition,said David Karol, an associate professor at the University of Maryland who studies trade policy. “But some Republicans also just don’t want to give President Obama a victory, period, no matter how much they may like the policy.”“这是一个奥巴马与民主党产生的问题会比共和党多的罕见问题,因为他的举动与民主党阵营中一些关键派系的愿望相违背,”马里兰大学(University of Maryland)研究贸易政策的副教授戴维·卡罗David Karol)表示。“然而一些共和党人却又不想把胜利送给奥巴马总统,没门儿,无论他们多喜欢这项政策。”At the same time, business groups that are highly motivated to win approval of the new agreements are pressing Mr. Obama to take a more active role in selling his trade policies in Congress. “He’s going to need to really step out a lot more and make the case for why this is important,said Christopher Wenk, senior director of international policy at the ed States Chamber of Commerce. “There are a lot of Democrats who want to be helpful on this, but they’re waiting for the president to be out there leading they need some cover.”与此同时,很有动力为新的协议赢得批准的商业团体,正在向奥巴马施压,要求他扮演更积极的角色,在国会里推销他的贸易政策。“他需要真的迈出大得多的步子,阐明为什么这个协议很重要,”美国商ed States Chamber of Commerce)国际政策高级总监克里斯托弗·温Christopher Wenk)表示。“有很多民主党人愿意在这件事上帮忙,但是他们还在等待总统打头阵,他们需要一些掩护。”来 /201501/353610。